FSLN to win in November?

An article by Wales Nicaragua Solidarity Campaign, April 2011

How do you take the temperature of a country? That's the challenge the Campaign faces after every visit. It's also one not to be taken lightly. As Nicaraguans say, visit our country for a week and write a book, visit our country for a year and write nothing at all.

The are two competing versions of reality that face Nicaragua at the moment. Both have a large element of truth in them. Understanding these two distinct stories is not the hard part. It's trying to make a political judgment from such a long distance.

Although this year's delegation (the 11th) did not go ahead, two Wales NSC members, David McKnight and Ben Gregory, spent a fortnight in the country in early March. Part of their visit consisted of meetings to cement links between Welsh and Nicaraguan organisations (UNISON and their equivalent trade union, UNE, and a joint project between the URACCAN University in Bluefields and Bangor University). The other part included meetings to gauge the political situation.

Many good things are happening in Nicaragua. This is mostly absent from mainstream news coverage. The economy is stable, growing at over 4 per cent a year, and coping better with the world wide recession than its' neighbours. Exports are at record highs. Inward investment is booming. So far, so neo-liberal. What sets it apart are the social programmes in place to redistribute resources to the poorest.

To name a few examples. The Roof Plan aims to improve the houses of 250,000 families. 150,000 have received corrugated iron and nails already. The Plan is funded by ALBA.Z ero Hunger, which has been covered in previous newsletters, is on target. It will support 75,000 families over five years to help them enter the rural economy. $150 million is being spent, in the form of animals, seeds, a bio-digester and training and advice. Funding comes from the ALBA and bilateral and multilateral agencies.

A similar model is being used for Zero Usury. 80,000 women are receiving small loans (about $200) in a micro-credit scheme to help set up small business. ALBA and other countries have provided the finance. ALBA is also supporting the re-paving of roads in the Streets for the People programme, and funds new homes in the Houses for the People. This is not to mention the spectacular cutting of adult illiteracy, and the steady gains in health and education provision.

Nicaragua is also investing in larger projects. A refinery has been promised. The roads to the Caribbean Coast have been improved. The electricity cuts which plagued the last government have been eliminated. There is also a long term plan to reduce the country's reliance on oil for electricity production.

Against this has to be set the worrying attitude of the FSLN to criticism. Their rhetoric appears to be you are either for us or against us. They reserve their harshest words for those somewhere in the middle. The intolerance shown to critics, particularly in the women's movement, is less than it was during our last visit in 2009. But the leadership of the FSLN has stretched the constitution to breaking point with the nomination for re-election of Daniel Ortega (who was accepted as a candidate by the Supreme Electoral Council while we were in the country).

Many argue this has been canny politics by Ortega and his inner circle. The National Assembly failed to nominate new judges and Electoral Council magistrates. Ortega then issued a decree to keep the old ones in place (who were favourable to Ortega's standing again). He used a challenge similar to the one used by Oscar Arias in Costa Rica a couple of years ago. He challenged the ban on re-election for two consecutive terms, and the ban on anyone holding the Presidency for more than two terms altogether. He successfully claimed this violated his right to be treated equally with other individuals in Nicaragua. As more than one critic on the Left told us, Ortega's decision to run again and the court's decision to allow this drive a horse and coach through the Constitution, and undermine institutionality.

The current political situation favours a FSLN victory. One group on the Left, the MRS, have thrown in their lot with Right to run in a Coalition against the FSLN. This probably is a grave error by the MRS. They will derive little long term benefit. Another on the Left, Rescate, will be calling for a boycott of the election. For those who oppose the FSLN because of their lack of respect for the constitution, this seems a more principled stand. Some of the women's movement have been openly calling to join the MRS in the opposition, which would not only split the movement, but further worsen their relations with the government.

If some on the Left are split, the Right is even more divided. There will be no less than four groups or parties standing against the Frente Sandinista. The first, led by the PLC, will again have Arnoldo Aleman as their Presidential candidate. Remembered by most as the President who pocketed $100 million during his term in office, the allegations haven't gone away. The second group is led by Fabio Gadea, a 78 year old who has spent most of his political life propping up Aleman. He will be joined on the ticket by a MRS candidate for the Vice Presidency. The other groups are likely to make no headway, other than to take some votes away from the two other Right wing candidates.

Despite the maneouvering, it is worth emphasising again that the thing that is most likely to deliver another victory for the Sandinistas is their social programmes. In El Lagartillo, a very rural community on the Pacific Coast, is a Sandinista stronghold. They have benefited from power lines, street lighting, micro-credit for women and the re-activation of the peasant economy. On the Caribbean Coast, far from being Sandinista territory, remote communities in and around Pearl Lagoon have had electricity for the first time.

Some within the solidarity movement have started debating whether we should support the Frente again. There are several reasons for not doing so. The first is the worrying signs the party displays over the constitution and institutionality. In the long term these will do no favours both to the Frente and to the country. The second reason is that our solidarity, at least since 1990, has been with the Nicaraguan people, whatever the stripe of the government.

But at least two things are clear. Firstly, it looks likely that the FSLN will win the elections in November, and will increase their vote. Given their commitment to the poor, and their careful stewardship of the economy, this is hardly surprising. Secondly, if solidarity groups do not support the FSLN, they should have no hesitation in saying that in the elections in November a victory for the Sandinistas is the best result for the country and the majority of its citizens, especially the poorest.